Issue 4, 2004   

Does religion matter? Relations between religion and social movements

Otto Kallscheuer, The Roman Church as charismatic movement ? Remarks on John Paul II. Performance as Pope., FJ NSB 4/2004 pp. 7-15.

The international structure of the Roman Catholic Church does not stem out directly from Jesus Christ´s all-embracing mission. It is rather the late outcome of the papal revolution of the 11th century against Christian emperors and kings and of the catholic reaction of the 19th century against nationalism and liberalism, when the very idea of the secular power of the church was defeated. With the Second Vatican Council the church finally accepted this defeat. Now a different use of its international leadership became possible. The Pontificate of John Paul II provided a very powerful mediatic version of these new meta-political possibilities. With John Paul II the Vatican became a truly global player ? acting as ?moral Superpower? in world politics. Important features of his very idea of the ecclesia militans are shaped by Polish national history and the antitotalitarian resistance of the Solidarnosc-movement. But John Pauls II. charismatic leadership left other promises of Vaticanum II unfulfilled: constitutional reform and theological reformation.

Marie-Theres Wacker: Gender Trouble in Vatican. "A letter to the bishops of the catholic church, concerning the cooperation between man and woman in parishs and in the world", FJ NSB 4/2004, pp.6-20.

A document issued in july 2004 by the Vatican Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith disapproved - besides feminist criticism of patriarchate - for the first time sex/gender deconstruction as not in accordance with Roman Catholic perspectives for a "promotion of woman". The article reconstructs the document's anthropology, presents a critical analysis of its hermeneutics and proposes as its context particularly the current discussion, if homosexual partnerships should be legally equal to heterosexual ones.

Dieter Rucht/Mundo Yang: Who demonstrated against Hartz 4? FJNSB 4/2004, pp.21-27.

In a recent research on the demonstrations against Hartz 4 in spring 2003 Rucht and Yang, social scientists at the Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin, came to these conclusions: the average demonstrant is between 50 and 55 and is unemployed or potentially threatened by unemployment. He rejects established parties and tends most to PDS. Despite public opinion there is no affinition to extreme rightwing parties. Rather is his attitude definitely left and post-materialistic; he assumes that socialism is a good idea, which was carried out in a bad manner. But the authors stress that these characteristics are merely tendencies and not all of the demonstrants fit to this pattern.

Ulrich Willems, Religion and social movements - developing dimensions for a field of research, FJNSB 4/2004, pp. 28-41

Though social sciences in general do deal with religion as a feature in society and politics there has been no sufficient treament in the field of social movement research. Characterizing religion as traditional and anti-modern causes a cognitive barrier. But examining it critically, the blind spot cannot be sustained. The article develops four dimensions in the relation between religion and social movements as there are (1) religion as a source of social movements, (2)both face the same challenges, (3) new religious movements as protagonists causing political and social change and (4) the religious dimension of new social movements.

Michael Minkenberg, The Christian Right in the USA as a political actor, FJNSB 4/2004, pp. 42-51.

The article examines the political role of the Chrisrian Right in the US, focussing on their repertoire and radius of action. It shows their agenda and changes in the organizational field at the transition fron 20th to 21st century. Furthermore it is set into relation to its political environment, especially the Republican Party. It is claimed, that independence of the Christian Right is substituted by subjugation to party politics and instrumentalization by the party.

Michael Haspel, Organized religious protagonists in the US civil rights movement and the civil movement in the GDR, FJNSB 4/2004, pp. 53-60

The Protestant churches in the German Democratic Republic and the Black churches in the civil rights movement in the United States are two among very few examples for non-fundamentalist Protestant churches which were decisively involved in processes of social transformation. In both cases it was paramount that the churches were developed institutions with substantial resources at hand in order to play an important role in the respective social movements. In order to explain why the churches were willing to commit their resources for the sake of the social movements, in this analysis it is argued that a decisive development in the mode of theological reflection took place. In both cases theological contextualisation in the given situation was the presupposition for the involvement of the churches in the social movements.

Dietrich Reetz: Topical analysis of islamistic movements and ist criticism, FJNSB 4/2004, pp. 61-68

The paper discusses the meaning of Fundamentalism, Islamism, Radicalism and Militancy as used in the research literature. It argues in favour of an extended interpretation of Islamism going beyond political and ideological aspects to include also religious activism. It seems equally important to pay separate attention to religious motivation and background of these movements. This particularly applies to the dynamics of puritan and reformist discourse and to the existence of competing interpretations and practices in Islam. Only a composite understanding of socio-political and religious aspects can give a true picture of Islamist groups. This is discussed on four assumed prototypes of Islamist movements: political parties, militant groups, social welfare organisations, religious revival and missionary movements. It demonstrates the need for a multi-focal and interdisciplinary approach.

Iris Wieczorek: Social and political activities of new religious movements in Japan, FJNSB 4/2004, pp. 69-77.

Compared to the US and Europe, the phenomenon of new religious movements is in Japan relatively strong. At present, nearly 600 religious groups exist and an estimated 10%-20% of the Japanese population are members of new religious movements. They play a significant socio-political role in Japan. This is illustrated in the paper by way of highlighting the activities of various religious movements. This paper examines how value change and the political opportunity structures in Japan influence the mobilizational activities of new religious movements. Special attention is given to the religious movements Aum Shinrikyô and Sôka Gakkai who have fundamentally changed the relationship between politics and religion.

Joachim Suess: The complex of sects. On delegizimization of religious alternatives by a discourse critical towards pluralization, FJNSB 4/2004, pp. 78-85.

The article describes the way state and society react to religious and ideological processes of pluralization, which emerged in the second half of the 20th century. Charateristical postulates, which a critical discourse on pluralization puts forward, are analyzed on the grounds of works on sects. Asking for the purpose of this discourse, it is finally claimed, that that competition between old and new religious systems shall be restricted by discrediting new religious movements in advance.

Alexander Leistner: Midwife or fountain of youth? The relation between religion and new social movement in the case of peace movement in the GDR, FJNSB 4/2004, pp. 86-90.

The article aims to find out the reasons, why several protagonists out of the eastgerman peace movement engaged that long, even after 1989. Using biographies it is argued that to a significant share religion fostered mobilization, legitimation and durability.

Claudia Ritter: A chameleon and the beast. Collectively creating an identity in the European Union, FJNSB 4/2004, pp.91-96

Facing the deficit of democracy in the Europeean Union, one has to ask about the way collective sensivities for democratic inclusion and transnational solidarity can be encouraged. It is less decisive that an European identity can be created, but rather which specific constructions will be borne. Illustrated by an example from Canadian political theory shall be shown, how the perspective, developed for nationstates can be transferred to constellations within the EU.